Badnami

Speaking from the heart and the mind, there is a khutbah from January 2010 that needs to be shared and analyzed so that a condition of our Ummah can be illuminated for what it truly is. The khutbah compelled a letter to be drafted to the Imam, which reads:

I have a great deal of love for the culture of those from the Diaspora of the Indian subcontinent. I love ‘dall and roti’, the briyani, and with the greatest level of respect and with the knowledge that Allah(SWT) is Watching and His Angels Recording; in general the sisters of this ethnic background are some of the most beautiful women on the earth. However, like with all other peoples, the cultural practices and notions do not always bring about the purest of Islamic outcomes. I feel wholeheartedly, that few, if any families would offer an equal level of trust or understanding from members outside of their tribal region, let alone a brother whose family originates from Europe and West Africa. Tribalism is very much a disease in the heart of the Muslim ummah, and it exists within the Diaspora of the Indian subcontinent. India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Trinidad and Tobago; it represents billions of people who speak different languages, have the entire of hue of skin complexions, and are incredibly diverse in relation to interpretations of Islam, etc . Urdu, Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi; all of these terms, and there is no doubt that I am missing more than a few-all of these adjectives mean different things to different people, both inside and outside the Indo-Pak Diaspora…What it has meant for me as a convert is an unfortunate reality: the Muslim sisters of the Indo-Pak Diaspora are forbidden, indeed, culturally haram for Muslims such as myself. If I was of complete European descent, the doors could be opened, but having the blood of former American slaves makes it seemingly impossible and certainly arduous, to seek a wife from the MCMC community. Couple my ethnic background with my divorce and the fact that I do not have a Bachelor of Science degree and absolutely no plans to attend medical or law school, and that I am not wealthy by any stretch of the imagination; well, I have to be realistic about the world and era in which I live. I, feel, and Allah Knows Best that I am setting myself up for heartbreak and disappointment in making any attempt to marry within Muslim Center of Middlesex County. In Islam all Muslims are brothers, but within the various cultures with which Muslims are comprised, Muslims are placed on a social hierarchy of inequality when it comes to marriage…Inshallah, there are virtuous and beautiful sisters in this community, but in the 14 years I have been a Muslim, I have learned that these sisters are not for me because the society, era, and world in which we live views it as completely haram according to cultural notions and norms. Thus, even though the matrimonial service at the masjid is free, the emotional cost is too great for me even to make an attempt. And, as always, Allah Knows Best.

Essentially the letter to the Imam states that I am badnami-a person who would cause shame and ostracism to be brought upon the Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi family that would dare to allow me to marry one of its daughters. It describes a sunna of the Muslims, which is in direct violation and diametrically opposed to that of the prophet Muhammad (SAAW) and all for which Islam Commands. The Pakistani born Imam, Abdul Malik Mujahid, writes in an article entitled: Islam's Manifesto of Universal Brotherhood of Human Beings that The One True and Living God (SWT) Has Created all human beings into different groups. Mujahid writes a commentary on an Ayat of The Holy Qur’an (49:13) that:

This message is not just for Muslims only because God is addressing all of humanity. While Muslims are one brotherhood, this is part of a larger brotherhood of humanity. God is telling us that He has created us. Therefore He knows the best about us. He says that He created us from one man and one woman meaning then that we are all the same. It also means that all human beings are created through the same process, not in a manner in which some are created with a better mechanism than others. God is the One who made human beings into different groups and people. These differences are not wrong, rather a sign from God ("And among His Signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the difference of your languages and colors. Verily, in that are indeed signs for those who know" [Quran 30:22]). Note that no word equivalent to race is used in this ayah or any other verse of the Quran. Islam, however, limits the purpose of these distinctions to differentiation and knowing each other. This is not meant to be a source of beating each other down with an attitude of ‘my group is better than your group' or false pride as is the case with tribalism, nationalism, colonialism, and racism. The only source of preference or greatness among human beings is not on a national or group level, but it is at the individual level. One individual who is (higher in Taqwa), more conscious of his Creator and is staying away from the bad and doing the good is better, no matter what nation, country or caste he is part of. Individual piety is the only thing that makes a person better and greater than the other one. However, the only criterion of preference, Taqwa, is not measurable by human beings. Indeed God is the One Who knows and is aware of everything so we should leave even this criterion to God to decide instead of human beings judging each other.

It is apparent from the behavior and attitudes of the brothers and sisters of the Indian subcontinent Diaspora (hereafter, India Proper) that Taqwa is  a poor determining factor in who one allows to be his son-in-law. As Dr. Afaq Ahmed Qureshi writes, these attitudes are about the honor derived from one’s lineage, and are a ‘centuries old tradition borrowed from Hindus and now baptized to be included in our code of ethics as Islamic, they are not remotely related to any of the principles of Islam’. They are not only unrelated, but diametrically opposed to Islam, and yet practiced by the some 160 million Muslims of India Proper. The castes of Tiwana, Gujjar, and Sayyids are deemed superior by the India Proper societies, as compared to the Kummies, Lohars, and Jolahas. It is ironic that some 14 million Muslims of India Proper claim descendancy from our beloved prophet (SAAW), yet the impact of his decrees, injunctions, and warnings have not penetrated the hearts of Muslim India Proper society. This is a disease of the heart that some have challenged in its highlighting, such as Ali Anwar in his 2001 text, Masawat ki Jung (Crusade for Equality). Anwar writes on the plight of Muslims deemed as pariahs by the upper echelon of India Proper, including the Ulema who are supposed to defend the Sahih Principles of Islam, thereby rejecting the notion of the individual’s status based on tribe and caste. Dr. Qureshi confirms that when a young man and woman within Indian Proper dare to challenge the tribal caste system which permeates their lives, it is entirely common for either both, or simply the sister, to be killed by the men in their own families for bringing shame, dishonor-badnami. Understanding the history of the social and spiritual illness of India Proper, it has become clear that a father-in-law rejecting an African-American brother in Middlesex County, New Jersey is largely due to the ethnic inequality within the United States and said African-Americans placement on the social hierarchy. There are many good, Muslim brothers of ostensibly complete European descent, and we have seen their complete and total acceptance in the families of India Proper-Muslims here in the United States. Why? Islam Forbids the consumption of alcohol, but Muslims drink. Islam Commands that all human beings accept the Universality of Brotherhood and live by this principle, yet ethnocentric and racist ideology remain gods other than Allah, worshipped by Muslims. Love between a man and a woman who wish to marry for the sake of Allah are sacrificed on the altar of culture, convention, and tradition. Wallahi it is not just about wealth, for I have seen daughters of rich men married to the sons of India Proper with no money, no Green Card, and no college education. Money is an excuse, as identified in the letter to the Imam, to prevent African-American brothers from marrying the daughters of India Proper. It is easier to say: you are not rich enough, come back when you have $75,000 in the bank, and Inshallah, if my daughter is still available, we will talk, than to simply say: you black nigger.

In response to this arbitrary boundary placed between two Muslims, I speak directly to the sisters of India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. Before you begin asking me questions about what I do, I will really implore you to learn about me, as a man, as a father, as a potential husband, and ultimately as a Muslim. I am not perfect by any means. I have my sins, my triumphs, my hills, and my valleys; but ultimately, I am good man and father, and I have an ardent wish to find a sister to love for the Pleasure of Allah (SWT). Beyond the excitement of the engagement; the planning of the wedding; the negotiation of dowry; the magic and the romance of the Nikah ceremony itself; the first night: marriage is truly at times a very arduous endeavor for two people to perform. The real work begins after all that has been previously mentioned takes place, and then two people are compelled to deal with one another with justice, fairness, kindness, and a true, sincere, Islamic love, often in situations that can severely test one’s ability to do so. Make no mistake about it, marriage is work. It can be enjoyable work, but it is work nonetheless. While sexual intimacy is a tool by which a couple grows closer, it cannot be the only tool for the immutable fact that no couple can engage in a constant act of copulation. There must be mutual respect, adoration, compromise, and compassion, for no man and no woman is perfect as respective individuals; in order that a true, Islamic, sincere love can grow, mature, and be maintained.

I do not want to rule my wife. I do not wish to marry a future servant. I am not interested in having someone just to cook, clean, fetch tea and coffee, rear children, and remain silent. I do not want a woman of weakness, afraid to speak her mind. I expect her correct me if she sees me about to embark on something wrong, dangerous, or unhealthy for my spirit. She need not be light skinned, because I like my Indian sisters to look like Indian sisters. Please, you do not need to starve yourself into being a close to a size zero, because I love sisters with backsides and furthermore, I am not into a 30-year-old woman having the appearance of a 12-year-old boy. I want a dynamic woman who has a favorite sport whether it is cricket, soccer, or baseball. I want a woman that has something to say, some passion, and will not allow herself to be ruled. I do not wish to be ruled. I will not be ruled. I expect to be heard. I expect a woman strong enough to understand that she can be wrong, and is woman enough to listen to my thoughts, feelings, fears, and hopes. In short, I marry because I wish to find a partner, a companion, and a best friend. Yes, it is true that I would like to marry a woman that wears hijab, performs the salat, and wants from herself the same, which she would demand of me; to be the best Muslim I can be. And yes, it is true that I look for a woman that I am attracted to physically, intellectually, spiritually, who performs her duties as a Muslimah beyond the Five Pillars. In the final analysis, I have been considered a nigger for the greater more of my life, so your family putting a new label of badnami means just about the same thing. I simply do not care, and I am and remain an imperfect, humble, often eccentric servant of The One True and Living God, and it is only He(SWT) that Can and Will Judge me.

Isma’il ibn Bilal

Confession, The Tunisian Girl, Lina ben Mhenni

Je ne sais pas pourquoi je vais reparler de la violence contre les femmes encore une fois , non je mens je le sais très bien et là aujourd'hui j 'ai décidé de briser mon silence et d' en parler . Le BUT n 'est pas d'étaler mon linge sale ni de faire du mal à qui que ce soit . Aujourd'hui, si je vais parler de la violence contre les femmes c 'est parce que j 'en suis victime . Aujourd'hui, si j 'en parle c 'est parce que je veux partager mon expérience avec d'autres femmes . Si je le fais aussi c 'est parce que je sais que beaucoup de femmes subissent cette VIOLENCE et n 'osent pas en parler. D 'ailleurs, c était mon cas .

Il y 'a cinq ans, j 'ai connu un homme qui m 'a beaucoup aidé pendant une période difficile de ma vie, celle de ma maladie. il paraissait vraiment amoureux de moi . Peu à peu son amour s'est transformé en une sorte de possession. Le bon monsieur m 'a éloignée de tous mes amis et même de mes activités habituelles. Désormais ma vie se résumait à fréquenter l 'université et à le rencontrer. Au moindre doute d'une 'infraction' de ma part , il devenait furieux, il perdait la tête. Je me suis laissée faire car j 'étais au début de ma maladie , j 'étais déprimée , et je me sentais seule. Il s 'occupait beaucoup de moi et me faisait oublié que j 'avis un caoutchouc qui pendait de mon ventre (cathéter pour la dialyse péritonéale). Mais peu à peu sa violence verbale s'est transformée en violence physique. Et je me suis laissée faire car je n 'osais pas en parler , je ne pouvais confier cela à personne, comme un tel comportement est inadmissible dans mon environnement . J 'avais honte de dire qu'on me tabassait . En plus, le monsieur venait pour pleurer entre mes bras après chaque dispute et promettait de ne plus faire ça. Mais il n 'a jamais arrêté . Un jour , on s'est séparés.

Cet été , j 'ai vécu la violence encore une fois. Au moment , ou je vivais cela , je me suis souhaitée la mort. Je voulais tout simplement disparaitre , disparaitre à jamais. Je me suis sentie humiliée, déshonorée, et abaissée. Mais j 'ai encore une fois pardonné . J 'ai trouvé des excuses à mon agresseur . Je me suis inventée des fautes graves, et je lui avait donné raison. Maintenant avec le temps je réalise que je suis plus fautive que lui . Je suis fautive en me laissant faire , en acceptant de subir la violence sans agir .

Je sais que certaines personnes vont être déçues en lisant ce billet . Je sais qu 'ils ne vont pas accepter cela de ma part. Mais oui je préfère ne parler . oui je dis que j'ai été fautive en subissant la violence mais il n 'est jamais trop tard pour avouer ses fautes et essayer de les corriger. J'écris ce billet pour inciter la femme à parler de toutes sortes de violence qu'elles subissent et d'essayer de dépasser cela d'une manière ou d'une autre. Ne vous taisez pas , confiez vous à la personne à qui vous faites confiance et elle vous aidera à vous en sortir.


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Lina ben Mhenni's blog can be read at: http://atunisiangirl.blogspot.com/

العنف ضد النساء ..تجربة شخصية‎-The Tunisian Girl, Lina ben Mhenni

: قام الصديق أحمد فرج بترجمة تدوينتي اعتراف إلى العربية

لا أعرف لماذا أتحدث عن العنف ضد النساء .. لا أنا أكذب فأنا أعرف جيدا واليوم قررت أن أكسر صمتى وأتكلم عنه .. ليس الهدف أن أنشر غسيلى القذر أو أن أجرح أى شخص . سأتكلم اليوم عن العنف ضد النساء لأننى ضحية . عندما أتكلم عن هذا الأمر الآن فهذا لأنى أريد مشاركة خبرتى مع النساء الأخريات . وأيضا لأننى أعلم أن كثير من النساء تختبرن العنف ولا يجرؤن عن الحديث عنه . وعلاوة على ذلك هذه كانت حالتى .

عرفت منذ خمسة سنوات رجلا كان مساندا جدا لى فى فترة صعبة من حياتى ، مرضى . بدا أنه يحبنى فعلا . تحول تدريجيا هذا الحب الى نوع من الاستحواذ . الرجل المهذب الطيب أخذنى بعيدا عن كل أصدقائى وحتى أنشطتى الاعتيادية . انحصرت حياتى الآن بين الذهاب للجامعة ، وبين مقابلته . وعند أقل شك من ارتكابى لغلطة يفقد عقله ويغضب بشدة .لقد سمحت لنفسى بفعل هذا لأننى كنت فى بداية مرضى ، كنت مكتئبة ، وشعرت بالوحدة . لقد ساعدتنى هذه العلاقة على التماسك وعلى تجاهل الأنابيب التى تتدلى من بطنى ( قسطرة الغسيل البريتونى ) . ولكن تدريجيا تحولت اساءاته اللفظية الى عنف جسدى . وسمحت بحدوث هذا لأنى لم أجرؤ على التكلم . لم أتمكن من البوح بهذا لأى شخص لكون هذا السلوك غير مقبول فى بيئتى .كنت لأخجل من القول بأنه يضربنى . بالاضافة لذلك ، السيد المهذب كان يبكى بين ذراعى بعد كل شجار ويعدنى بألا يكررها . ولكنه أبدا لم يتوقف . وذات يوم انفصلنا .

اختبرت العنف مجددا فى هذا الصيف . فى الوقت والمكان الذى عايشته فيه ، أردت الموت . أردت فقط أن أختفى ، أختفى للأبد . شعرت بالمهانة ، والخزى والاحتقار . ولكنى سامحته مجددا . لقد التمست الأعذار للمسىء الى . لقد ارتكبت أخطاءا حقيقة ومنحته سببا .أدركت الآن  وبمرور الوقت أنى جانية أكثر منه ، لقد أخطأت بالسماح لنفسى بفعل هذا بالموافقة على أن أتعرض للعنف دون حراك .

أعلم أن البعض سيحبطهم قراءة هذا المقال ، أعلم أنهم لن يقبلونه منى . لكن أقولها نعم أنا فضلت عدم الحديث ، نعم كنت مخطئة بمعايشة العنف لكن الوقت ليس متأخرا أبدا للاقرار بأخطائك ومحاولة تصحيحها . أكتب هذه التدوينة لتشجيع النساء على الكلام عن كل أشكال العنف التى يتعرضون لها والسعى لتجاوزها بطريقة أو بأخرى . لا تصمتن ، صارحن شخصا تثقن فيه وسوف يساعدكم هذا .

الحجب الالكتروني مازال هنا فلماذا هذا الصمت؟-The Tunisian Girl, Lina Ben Mhenni

الحجب الالكتروني مازال هنا فلماذا هذا الصمت؟

بعد موجة الحجب الكبيرة التي عرفتها شبكة الانترنت في تونس خلال شهر أفريل الفارط  والتي طالت  العديد من المواقع الالكترونية والمدوّنات وصفحات الشبكات الاجتماعية، التف مستعملو الانترنت حول هاذه القضية وتكاثفت مجهوداتهم للتعبير عن رفضهم لهذا الاعتداء الفظيع على حقّهم في التعبير وحقّهم في الوصول إلى المعلومة الصحيحة، فتعدّدت الحملات المناهضة للحجب واختلفت طرق التعبير عن رفض هذا الحجب. فوسط مشهد إعلامي طغت عليه وسائل الاعلام الموالية للسلطة ظلّت شبكة الانترنت أحد آخر الوسائل الاعلامية التي تتمتّع ببعض الاستقلالية لصعوبة احتوائها والسيطرة عليها، فباتت تمثّل خطرا على من يسعون إلى طمس وإخفاء الحقائق وإلى تسويق ما يشاؤون من الأخبار المغلوطة منها و الزائفة . فلجئوا إلى الحجب كوسيلة  للسيطرة على المعلومة في عصر المعلومة و المعلوماتية.

 و كما ذكرت آنفا، احتجّ مستعملو الانترنت و ابتكروا أساليب احتجاجية جديدة عبّروا من خلالها عن رفضهم لهذا الاعتداء السافر على حقّهم في التعبير . فكانت حملة "سيّب صالح" والتي عبّر مستعملو الانترنت من خلالها عن غضبهم و رفضهم للحجب بحمل لافتات كتبت عليها عبارة "سيّب صالح" وتصوير مقاطع فيديو للتعبير عن رفض الحجب ونشرها على الشبكة . ثمّ تلتها حركة " نهار على عمّار"  والتي سعت إلى إقامة وقفة احتجاجية سلمية ضدّ الحجب أمام وزارة تكنولوجيا الاتصالات، وأمام العدد الهائل لمستعملي الانترنت الذين عبّروا عن نيّتهم في المشاركة في هذه الوقفة لم تجد السلطة من حلّ سوى استعمال القوة والترهيب عن طريق غلق الشوارع المؤدية لشارع الحبيب بورقيبة برجال الأمن، وإيقاف بعض منسّقي الحركة دون آخرين في نطاق سياسة "فرّق تصدّ".

 ولئن نجحت الحركة في كسر شيء من حاجز الخوف وذلك بإقناع عامة الناس بالنزول إلى الشارع للمطالبة بحقوقهم بالرغم من تعمّد رجال الامن نشر فيديوهات تظهر اثنين من منظّمي الحركة وهما يعلنان إلغاء الوقفة الاحتجاجية بعد تعرّضهما لضغوطات إثر إيقافهما قبل يوم من الموعد المحدّد، إلاّ أنّها فشلت داخليا من حيث توحيد الصفوف والثبات أمام ضغوطات كانت متوقّعة و منتظرة  من قبل السلطات المعنية.  فساورت الشكوك بعض منّسقي الحركة ممّن أوقفوا و صاروا يتهمون  من  نجا من الايقاف بالتعامل مع قوات الأمن. و لكنّ رباطة جأش و خبرة و حنكة بعض منّسقي الحركة ساهمت في احتواء هاته المشاكل، فكانت عملية "رسائل إلى النواب " المتمثّلة في كتابة رسائل لمن اضطلعوا بمهمة تمثيل الشعب لمساءلتهم فيما يخصّ المسألة و مطالبتهم بتناول المسألة بطريقة جديّة في إحدى جلسات مجلس النواب .

 لم تعرف هذه الحركة إقبالا  كبيرا لسببين رئيسيين، كان أوّلهما تخوّف الناس من التوّجه بخطاب مباشر إلى من يعتبرونهم من أصحاب المناصب العليا في الدولة، وتمثّل ثانيهما في فقدان بعض المواطنين لثقتهم في ممثّليهم البرلمانيين و قدرتهم على طرح المشاكل بصفة موضوعية وجدية. 

تلت عملية " الفلاشموب" التي تمّت  في ظلّ غياب العديد من منّسقي حركة "نهار على عمّار" و عرفت "الفلاشموب" نفس مصير "نهار على عمّار"، فقام رجال الأمن بمحاصرة مسكن أحد منّسقي الحركة محاصرة لصيقة و قاموا بمراقبة كلّ تنقّلاته و تنقّلات أفراد عائلته، و تنقّلوا بأعداد غفيرة إلى مكان "الفلاشموب" بجهة سيدي بوسعيد و قاموا بمنع عملية "الفلاشموب" وباستجواب بعض المشاركين فيها ومطالبتهم بالاستظهار بوثائق هويّاتهم و بتحويل وجهتهم إلى العاصمة أين تعرّضوا إلى الشتم و محاولة الاعتداء بالعنف.  

هكذا كانت  هذه العملية آخر تحرك ميداني ضدّ الحجب الالكتروني، واستمرّت عمليات الحجب بل و زادت وتيرتها فقلّ أن يمرّ يوم دون نعي مدوّنة أو موقع الكتروني . و في المقابل تراجع الاحتجاج على الحجب، ففي حين كان حجب موقع ما يحرّك العديد من مفاتيح لوحات الكمبيوتر وينتج العديد من النصوص المستنكرة وخلق أساليب احتجاجية جديدة، صار الآن أمرا عاديا، وكأنّ مستعملي الشبكة العنكبوتية تعوّدوا على الحجب وقبلوا به كواقع يومي غير قابل للتغيير. لذلك وجب العمل على التفكير مجدّدا في طرق ناجعة وابتكار أساليب متجدّدة لتناول مسألة الحجب ولإيجاد الطرق الكفيلة بالتصدّي لهذه الافة التي صارت تهدّد أحد آخر فضاءات التعبير الحرّ في تونس.

Identity Crisis in French North Africa

 Like most of the planet in the colonial period of the 19^th and 20^th centuries, the Muslim world was divided between two bipolar perspectives and methods of colonization. As the British used to boast: the sun never set on their empire, which controlled two-fifths of the world’s territories. For the colonized on the Indian subcontinent, sub-Saharan African, Egypt, Palestine, the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, Afghanistan, and the various other colonies where Muslims resided, the methodology by which one was subjected was both harsh and simple. Either one was white and British born or was not; and if not, no matter the subconscious level of commitment towards assimilation, one would never be deemed a person deserving equal rights, protection, or liberty. The native was nothing more than a tool with which to be used to further serve the interests of the British government and its policies. The French Empire, though smaller than their British counterpart, was nonetheless extremely sizeable. It also included nations of sub-Saharan Africa, the Far East, Syria, and for our purposes the three nations of al-Maghrib, in Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco. The French colonial policy of assimilation has long been a value of the French government, both its monarchy-Bourbon and Napoleonic-and its republic. Its overall purpose is to make Frenchmen from the Arabs, the African, and the Asian. We use the present context, for it can be argued that France still expects the people who have dealings with or reside in France itself, to behave, to think, to dress, and to love being French. True, the policy of assimilation (hereafter termed the policy) could allow one native of a colonized nation to rise to high status within the French system, yet we can think of only two times in France’s history that such an arrival is noteworthy. The first being that of Thomas Alexandre Davy de la Pailleterie, born to a Marquis and the slave he married, a general in Napoleon’s army, and the father of Alexandre Dumas; and the second being that of Blaise Diagne, the first African deputy in the French Assembly. The policy was designed to pacify the populations of France’s colonies through the process of making them Frenchmen, and was supported by the political theorists of the Utilitarian school of the French Enlightenment. Education was the principle by which assimilation began, and the effects of the learning of the average Algerians, Tunisians, and Moroccans great-great grandfathers are the dilemma that faces the Ummah today. The French theorist, Etienne Balibar asked a very poignant question in 1998 which should be expanded to include Tunisia and Morocco: ‘Algerie, France: une ou deux nations?’ Are Algeria and France one nation? Do the values of France supersede the values of Islam?

During his Middle East Quarterly interview in 1996, Anwar N. Haddam spoke of the cultural, existential crisis of his native Algeria:

The Algerian people are winning back an awareness of their own identity. We were colonized by the French for more than a hundred and thirty years. Since 1962, we have not really been independent. We had military independence, but nothing more, being dependent in economic policy, foreign policy, foreign trade, defense policy, and so forth. Now we want back our own identity, and that's our right. This is our message in all the Muslim world. Of course because we are Muslims, Islamic parties win a majority of support; that's normal and obvious. The problem is that there are some people within the Arab world and the Muslim world who think that they have to stay within the Western ideological and civilizational sphere, who think that France should remain in Algeria. The cultural dimension to the program put forward by the FIS rejects this assimilationist approach and instead accepts the concept of the coexistence of civilizations. It aims at the preservation of the cultural and historical traditions of the Algerian society (Islam, Arabism, Amazighism), for these constitute the elements of its identity. Also, we see the rehabilitation of science for peaceful purposes of paramount importance. Algeria could be the bridge between our two civilizations, being close to France and being part of the Muslim world. All over the Muslim world, there is an awareness that what is taking place in Algeria could be an example to be followed by every Muslim country.

Howard Schneider wrote in 1999 in his Washington Post article, ‘Algerians United and Divided by Faith’ that:

In Algeria, academics and moderate Islamic activists agree that the rise in popularity of the Islamic Salvation Front in the late 1980s and early 1990s was more an expression of frustration with the country's long history of corruption and authoritarian rule than a desire to remake Algeria in the image of Iran or Saudi Arabia. Algerians regard their society as unique in the region, with its own complexities--not entirely Arab or European, but stamped with certain European trappings after more than a century of French colonial rule. These Western influences include widespread use of the French language, a taste for local wine, comparatively free association between men and women and other habits that would be difficult to supplant with the type of conformity demanded in more fundamentalist states. It is common in central Algiers, for instance, to see veiled women strolling nonchalantly with friends in sleeveless shirts and other Western fashions. Even outside Algiers, many Algerians say it is the militants who have strayed from the faith. ‘What happened in Algeria is not from Islam. Our religion is one of peace and tolerance,’ said Souhila, a teenager from Sidi Moussa, a town a half-hour's drive from Algiers that was a stronghold of the Islamic fighters.

In Tunisia, is there a correlation can the decision of Zine Alabidin Ben Ali and that of France to ban hijab at roughly the same time because of the widespread resurgence of Muslim sisters choosing to wear it in accordance with Qur’anic Edict and Decree? Furthermore as Yvonne Ridley pointed out in her article about Tunisia’s during this ban:

I would like to be more forthright with Mr. Ben Ali and remind him of his Islamic obligations as a Muslim. I doubt if Zine Alabidin Ben Ali would take much notice. The man is clearly an arrogant fool and somewhere in Tunisia there is a village which is missing its idiot (Hamman-Sousse in the Sahel, actually). This is the man who once said the hijab was something foreign and not part of Tunisian culture. Hmm, he obviously has not seen pictures taken before he came to power, clearly show Tunisian women going about their business fully covered. He has a history of despising the French colonialists who occupied his country, but at least under the French, the Tunisian people had more freedom than they do now.

Balibar questions echoes again: Is Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco merely an extension of France, even with the cessation of official French colonialism. Nearly ten years ago, Jean-Pierre Chevenement wrote in an article, ‘Stop Being Ashamed’ to his French countrymen declaring to them that the immigrants they have welcomed should be appreciative of having been colonized by the French and taught the values of the Republic. He states:

And even with the southern shores of the Mediterranean a joint commitment to enable us to drain the soil of all fundamentalism, fight against poverty and put an end to humiliation. Would it be more interesting and fruitful than indulging in morbid evocation of a past that does not pass? The war in Algeria, its violence and drama lasted seven years and ended with a settlement of one hundred thirty two years. Like it or not, people have been involved, drawn into the orbit of world history, cultures and languages have faced and met, indissoluble bonds were created. The Franco-Algerian does not leave summarized by the evocation of torture or rape, which they did exist, are in no way does the 3 million calls and the vast majority of military members served in Algeria. This view of history is not only an insult to them but it keeps us collectively to move towards integration into the French nation of youth born of immigration, which it manufactures and minority identity that anchors them a principle of hostility to the Republic. Millions of French have their roots in Algeria, but their future is in France and form a bridge between two shores. Today there are more francophones in Algeria that there never was. You cannot judge the colonial period, retaining only its violent denouement but forgetting the assets, and primarily the school, bringing to colonized peoples, with the values of the Republic, the intellectual weapons of their release.

Chevenement confirms that even as early as 2001, how the French view the values of the Republic having released the Algerian, the Tunisian, the Moroccan, and all Muslims said values have liberated from the arcane, the exotic, the antithesis of modernity, that Islam represents. Robespierre and the Declaration of the Rights of Man has set the views of France towards that which it deems unnecessary and superstitious, including the hijab in public schools and government offices, and it would seem that, at the very least, the ruling elites within Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco have answered the call of the Mother Country. We are reminded of the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes when he wrote: Man’s mind stretched to a new idea never goes back to its original dimensions. And yet this is the task The One True and Living God has Placed for all of us, as the brothers and sisters of the Algerian, the Tunisian, and the Moroccan, while we recognize how arduous and nearly impossible it will be, though the words of Haddam and Souhila bint Sidi Moussa engender reason for hope. The great scholar 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn Muhammad Ibn Khaldun al-Hadrami of Tunis, who if one truly studies, is the father of economics; Algeria has Abdelhamid Ben Badis who was instrumental in the Islamic Reform movement while living under French colonial rule; Morocco has ibn Battuta, and the Saharan Berber ibn Yasin (whose descendants are currently being killed by Moroccan and Algerian authorities for no reason at all).[1] These Muslims represent the original and reveal what Islam, when chosen of the individual’s volition, can produce and contribute to the improvement of human history. Now it must be stated that when Islam, or any value system, is wielded for the self-delusional desires of the human mind, which include but are not limited to, fame, the messiah complex, revenge, hatred of a people or their value system-September 11, July 7, French colonialism and its detrimental effects are- self-evident consequences. Yet, how do we, as an Ummah, remind those who are Muslim of the benefit of their faith, their politics, and their notions of social justice, which are inherent in being Muslim. Again, how do we explain what was taken from them generations ago? How it was taken? Why it was taken? And how it is evident in their behavior, their thoughts, their tendencies, that they are nothing more than slaves of the French, even in their contemporary times? Harriet Tubman, herself a slave fugitive, who risked all in order to free others from bondage said: I freed a thousand slaves I could have freed a thousand more if only they knew they were slaves. More than money, armies, or elections, the people of al-Maghrib, as with the entire Ummah, need al Farabi’s Dialectical Theologians to liberate and release them from the psychological effects and social disease of the secularism of French Republican-Imperialism, colonialism, for it is that which makes them feel they are inferior, inadequate, and uncivilized. Simply stated, the existential crisis that plagues the people of Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco is based on the values of the French Republic. It is these values and the draconian methods by which it was forced upon their parents and grandparents that make it normal for the ruling elites of al Maghrib to behave with complete disregard of the Fifteen Rights of Islamic Political Theory and the Declaration of the Rights of Man. The Algerian, Tunisian, and Moroccan governments are merely mimicking the actions of the French administrators who once controlled their respective nations. When any notion of resistance or trouble arose, the grand chieftains of the French colonial government suspended movement, instituted curfews, shut down newspapers, censored the freedom of speech, removed hijabs, ordered French troops to torture and kill, and did whatever was necessary, by any and all means necessary to maintain French law and order.

Thus, in Algeria when Abbasi Madani, a professor at the University of Algiers,[2]Ali Belhadj, and the Front Islamique du Salut offered a platform that included the Arabization of Algerian education system, a direct rejection of the French values and language which dominated the upper echelon of Algeria including its university system; dismantling the planned economy emphasizing competition in a private sector economy which would receive loans from banks within an interest free Islamic banking system; and began to win elections in Algeria. The pro-French Algerians, aided I would imagine by the French government and business community in need of Algerian petroleum, took power in a coup d’état. What could have been, Allahu Alim; but it must be again. Algeria is a prime example of what the West fears the most, and that is Muslims exercising their rights to political self-determination, rejecting post-colonial notions of progress and cultural emulation, and rebuilding viable, commercial, states in a Islamic framework. Chevenement confirms this, as does the complete inertia of the West towards the political and human rights abuses of Tunisia, Morocco, Libya, Egypt, and the entire Muslim world. The byproduct of this inertia, save for the destruction of movements like the FIS, is what transpired after the coup d’état in 1991 which claimed 200,000 lives. Idiots with guns, hatred, ignorance, extreme and always wrong ideological claims take matters into their own hands, which only further exacerbates the problem of freeing others from mental and psychological slavery. September 11, 2001 is a prime example of this byproduct.

I say to the Ummah of which I am a very proud member; we have so much work to do, and conservative, so-called moderate Islam is the only remedy, the only medicine to the social disease of the Muslim body politic. Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco need us, and we must pay closer attention.


Isma'il ibn Bilal

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[1] I would add that there is no t-shirt or public outcry for the slaughter of the Berbers in North Africa. Wake UP!

[2] Madani was the RIGHT MAN for Algeria…Ali Belhadj should have followed him and never been made such a prominent figure that he was in the FIS, unless he was under the tutelage of Madani.

A Voice from Algeria-Lyes Balamane

الحمد لله والصلاة والسلام على أشرف خلق الله محمد بن عبد الله النبي الأمي الذي لا نبي بعده الذي تركنا على المحجة البيضاء ليلها كنهارها لا يزيغ عنها إلا هالك. أما بعد

يسرنا أن نتواصل معكم من خلال هذه المداخلة المتواضعة للحديث بشكل مختصر عن أوضاع الجزائر والجزائريين.

يشرفني أن أبدأ كلامي هذا بقولة العلامة ابن باديس عليه رحمة الله "شعب الجزائر مسلم والى العروبة ينتسب" فنحن والحمد لله شعب مسلم بالأغلبية الساحقة وبنسبة قد تصل إلى 99 بالمائة  فضلت عدم القول مائة بالمائة لأنه يمكن أن يكون هناك من هو على غير دين الإسلام فهم يعدون على أطراف الأصابع ونحن في الجزائر يمكنك أن تطبق الشعائر الإسلامية وبكل حرية فهناك المساجد والمدارس القرآنية وحتى الجامعات الإسلامية وان كان هناك بعض النقائص والعراقيل التي قد يواجهها الشخص الملتزم المتدين فالكمال لله .

والحقيقة التي أريد أن أوضحها وبكل موضوعية أنه عندما أقول أن الشعب الجزائري مسلم مائة بالمائة   فهذا لا يعني أنهم كلهم متدينون فعند تجولك في شوارع الجزائر وفي المدن الكبرى تشعر وكأنك في أحد الشوارع الأوروبية من خلال طريقة لباس الفتيات والشبان فنسأل الله العافية قد ظهر الفساد في البر والبحر فحرية اختيارك لطريقك هي السائدة في بلادنا فان أردت التوجه إلى المسجد فليس هناك ما يمنعك وان أردت التوجه إلى أماكن الفساد والرذيلة فهذا أسهل طريق وتجده مفروش بالورود.

أما عن الحالة المعيشية فهي حياة صعبة على أغلبية الجزائريين بالنظر غالى الدخل الفردي الذي يتراوح بين 100 دولار و 300 دولار في الشهر الواحد فهذا شيء جد قليل مقارنة بغلاء المعيشة فهذا أثر وبشكل مباشر على ارتفاع معدلات العنوسة وانتشار الجريمة في المجتمع الجزائري. نسأل الله السلامة . وفيما يخص التشغيل في الجزائر فهو يعتبر نقطة سوداء بسبب ارتفاع معدلات البطالة فكل عام يتخرج الآلاف من الشباب من الجامعات والمعاهد ويكون مصيرهم البطالة التي أصبحت تتقل كاهل كل الجزائريين.

هذا ما أردت أن أوضحه وما توفيقي إلا بالله والسلام عليكم ورحمة الله. أخوكم الياس الجزائري. 

Jean-Pierre Chevènement : cessons d’avoir honte

Article paru dans le Nouvel Observateur du 25 octobre 2001 [1].

Quand des milliers de jeunes conspuent notre hymne national au Stade de France, comment ne pas être blessé  ? Confiance déçue, révélation publique d’une situation jusqu’alors cachée dans nos banlieues, mal-être d’une génération issue de l’immigration qui n’a pas encore fait de la France sa patrie : à tout cela il y a des causes anciennes et profondes.

Ceux qui s’offusquent à juste titre d’entendre la Marseillaise sifflée sont parfois les mêmes qui, voici quinze ans, me faisaient reproche de vouloir la faire apprendre dans les écoles. Je veux souligner par là qu’on ne peut exiger du peuple un patriotisme que désertent les élites. D’où est venu ce discours lancinant sur la nation qui serait dépassée, la France qui serait moisie, l’instruction civique qui serait passée de mode, sinon de ceux qui exercent le magistère politique ou moral sur notre pays depuis trente ans ? A force de cultiver le masochisme national, de détruire l’élémentaire confiance en soi dont tout peuple a besoin pour affronter les défis de l’avenir, on aboutit à ce résultat désastreux : la sécession morale de ceux qui, justement parce qu’ils ne possèdent pas grand chose, auraient, selon la juste intuition de Jaurès, le plus besoin d’une patrie pour s’affirmer et grandir. Comment inviter les nouvelles générations issues de l’immigration à devenir partie intégrante d’une nation dont les responsables cultivent systématiquement la repentance ? La honte de soi n’est pas la meilleure manière d’agréger.

La France se mire dans son passé ; jusqu’à l’obsession, elle revisite ses heures noires, fait revivre les drames d’hier, ressuscite jusqu’à la nausée les lâchetés et les crimes, entretient une culpabilité déliée de toute connaissance des réalités. Elle ne pense sa relation avec l’Allemagne qu’à travers le prisme des années quarante. Elle ne traite de ses rapports à l’Algérie que par le rappel de la guerre et de ses souffrances. Et dans ces deux cas, l’évocation du passé est tronquée ou mensongère.

Vichy n’était pas la France, mais ce qu’il en advint lorsque la République abdiqua. L’extrême droite française obtint de l’occupant nazi ce que le suffrage universel lui avait toujours refusé. Et c’est une grande faute de Jacques Chirac que d’avoir assimilé Vichy et la France. C’est l’avenir qui devrait nous guider et non le rétroviseur. Quand 6 % seulement des jeunes Allemands apprennent notre langue et 12% des jeunes Français étudient l’allemand, on mesure le chemin à parcourir : de la base au sommet, les relations franco-allemandes doivent être revivifiées. Depuis 1963, où en sont les projets, les initiatives, les échanges que seule une poignée de gens dévoués s’escrime à maintenir dans l’indifférence ? La France et l’Allemagne, ce n’est pas Vichy et le régime nazi  : c’est la relation exceptionnelle de deux peuples qui se sont combattus durement et dont l’accord constitue la charnière de l’Europe de demain. Mais de cela, qui se soucie ? Et de même avec la rive Sud de la Méditerranée un engagement conjoint doit nous permettre d’assécher ensemble le terreau de l’intégrisme, de lutter contre la misère et de mettre un terme aux humiliations. Ne seraitce pas plus intéressant et fécond que de se complaire dans l’évocation maladive d’un passé qui ne passe pas ?

La guerre d’Algérie, ses violences et ses drames ont duré sept années, et mis un terme à une colonisation de cent trente deux ans. Qu’on le veuille ou non, des peuples ont été mêlés, entraînés dans l’orbite de l’histoire universelle, des cultures et des langues se sont heurtées et se sont rencontrées, des liens indissolubles se sont créés. La relation franco-algérienne ne se laisse pas résumer par l’évocation des tortures ou des viols qui, s’ils ont bien existé, ne sont en aucune manière le fait des 3 millions d’appelés et de l’immense majorité des militaires ayant servi en Algérie. Cette vision de l’Histoire n’est pas seulement une injure à leur égard mais elle nous empêche collectivement d’avancer vers l’intégration à la Nation française des jeunes nés de l’immigration, auxquels on confectionne ainsi une identité minoritaire qui les ancre dans une hostilité de principe à la République. Des millions de Français ont leurs racines en Algérie mais leur avenir est en France et ils forment un pont entre les deux rives. Il y a aujourd’hui en Algérie plus de francophones qu’il n’y en eut jamais.

On ne peut juger la période coloniale en ne retenant que son dénouement violent mais en oubliant l’actif, et en premier lieu l’Ecole, apportant aux peuples colonisés, avec les valeurs de la République, les armes intellectuelles de leur libération. On peut soutenir sans paradoxe que c’est la France qui a permis à l’Algérie d’être la grande Nation qu’elle est devenue dans son extension géographique actuelle sur plus de 2 millions de km2 et avec un potentiel de modernisation qui n’a guère d’équivalent.

La fin de cette période coloniale a été féroce en Algérie, parce qu’à Paris la lucidité manquait, et empêchait de tirer les conséquences de la dérive du système. Faut-il accabler de cela le peuple français ? Il a été consulté à deux reprises par référendum à l’initiative du Général de Gaulle. Il a répondu clairement en 1961 en faveur de l’autodétermination et en 1962 en faveur de l’indépendance de l’Algérie. Il a choisi la coopération avec cette nouvelle Nation. N’imputons pas au peuple français les faiblesses de la IVème République finissante. Au moment où le monde entier découvre la malfaisance des réseaux islamistes, on mesure à quel point le peuple algérien, soumis à une vague d’attentats sanguinaires depuis les années 90 a été laissé à sa détresse face aux islamistes formés en Afghanistan ; tandis que plus de cent mille civils périssaient, les observateurs parisiens ne cessaient de tenter de disculper les fondamentalistes, ou de semer la confusion en faisant mine d’ignorer « qui tuait qui ». Qui s’est soucié du grave fossé creusé à ce moment crucial où l’Algérie avait plus besoin de solidarité que de réquisitoires ? Avalanche de commentaires sur les crimes d’hier, mais silence et absence de solidarité autour des victimes des crimes d’aujourd’hui.

Est-il normal que jamais en sept ans, ni le Président de la République ni le Premier Ministre n’ont trouvé le temps de se rendre en Algérie, peuplée de 30 millions d’habitants dont plus de la moitié sont francophones ? Est-il satisfaisant de voir notre coopération réduite au strict minimum, quand le dialogue de nos cultures est plus nécessaire que jamais et plus facile à conduire avec le Maghreb qu’avec toute autre région du monde ? Face à la réplique apportée par les Etats-Unis à l’agression terroriste perpétrée sur leur sol, beaucoup s’interrogent sur le contenu et les perspectives de la politique américaine. Je crois plus utile pour ma part de formuler des propositions en faveur d’une politique étrangère active de la France dans cette crise. Rien n’est plus urgent que de resserrer les liens avec les pays riverains de la Méditerranée dans une période particulièrement difficile pour eux.

La France doit aussi reprendre l’initiative au Proche-Orient en faveur d’une paix négociée, où l’existence d’un Etat palestinien viable sera la meilleure garantie de sécurité pour Israël. Elle doit plaider la cause d’une paix durable de la Méditerranée au Golfe. La voix de la France est attendue et elle est nécessaire. Son histoire et son expérience lui permettent d’exercer des médiations utiles pour éviter toute stratégie d’affrontement global avec le monde arabo-musulman et pour faciliter les évolutions démocratiques de ces sociétés.

Cette France dont je m’efforce de porter l’idée exigeante, serait en mesure de remplacer la repentance par le projet. La meilleure manière de surmonter les drames de l’histoire, ce n’est pas de ressasser des vues partielles et partiales et de s’en auto-mortifier ; c’est de les dépasser dans un projet associant le meilleur de chacun.

La voix de notre pays retrouvera sa force et son sens dès lors qu’à l’intérieur il sera fidèle aux valeurs dont il porte l’héritage depuis deux cents ans. Le message de la citoyenneté est une promesse d’égalité qui libère des carcans des communautés, et affranchit de la sombre mythologie des origines. Il doit aussi être défendu au lieu d’être avili en charité compassionnelle ou en assistance. L’égal accès à la citoyenneté, et d’abord à l’emploi, pour tous les jeunes des quartiers populaires de nos villes, doit devenir l’impératif moral de quiconque est investi d’une responsabilité. La « politique de la ville » ne se réduit pas à acheter la paix civile par des subventions : pour réussir elle doit aller de pair avec une conception claire de la citoyenneté et de la nation. Car là est l’origine de la crise entr’aperçue au stade de France.

Pour que les jeunes Français issus de l’immigration fassent corps avec la France, ils doivent retrouver la raisonnable estime de soi indispensable à la construction de leur avenir. L’exemple doit venir d’en haut. Il est grand temps de se ressaisir. Offrons à ces jeunes une lecture non manipulée de notre histoire commune, ne dissimulant rien, ni les ombres, ni les lumières. Aidons les à se comprendre eux-mêmes comme un trait d’union entre les deux rives de la Méditerranée, en surmontant ensemble les traumatismes du passé pour tourner tous nos efforts vers l’avenir. Ils sont une chance pour la France dans la mondialisation, car ils peuvent jeter des passerelles vers d’autres cultures dont nous avons besoin pour forger notre avenir. Si la France est capable de porter en son sein l’idéal de la citoyenneté, et au dehors celui du dialogue des cultures et des civilisations, alors je suis sûr que nous saurons surmonter le moment de doute qui a saisi beaucoup de nos compatriotes un soir d’automne au stade de France. Pour « faire France » [2], il faut tout simplement avoir envie de continuer la France.

[1] Cet article, qui ne correspond en rien au point de vue de la LDH, est repris dans ce dossier à titre de document.

[2] « Faire France », cette expression, utilisée par Michèle Tribalat comme titre de son livre présentant l’enquête Ined-Insee sur les immigrés et leurs enfants, est employée dans les monts du Lyonnais et du Vivarais et signifie « prospérer ».

شاهدت أثناء زيارتي لأحد المساجد الكبري في مدينة القاهرة في حي السيدة - Ahmad Abdel Tawwab

       شاهدت أثناء زيارتي لأحد المساجد الكبري  في حي السيدة زينب بالقاهرة جمعاً من الناس يتبركون بأصحاب الأرضحة معتقدين بأن لدي أصحابها القدرة على الرفع والوضع في الدنيا والآخرة، وتفريج الكربات، وقضاء الحاجات، ومحو الذنوب معتقدين أنهم بزيارتهم لهذه الأضرحة ستأتيهم البركة ويشفون من المرض ...  بل وقد شاهدت منهم من يحاول أن يَمَسُّ ويلحس حجر ضريح أملاً في الشفاء  والعلاج من المرض ، وشاهدت مجموعة من النساء حول الضريح  يتمسّحون أملاً في الإنجاب والتصرف بشكل لا يليق بالمسجد  ولا يليق بمصر صاحبة الحضارة الإسلامية والأزهر الشريف والتي دفن فيها وأفتي فيها الليث ابن سعد والإمام الشافعي وابن خلدون.

       إن هناك الكثير من القبور والأضرحة المنسوبة إلى أصحابها في أغلب المناطق مشكوك بصحتها, لأن السابقين من السلف الصالح لم يهتموا بتقديس القبور أو البناء عليها أو تحديدها. وتصورت أن لو كان الإمام الشافعي وغيره لو كانوا أحياء وشاهدوا هذه الأعمال التي لا تليق بالإسلام ومبادئه لزجروا كل هؤلاء ولنهوهم عن فعل كل تلك الأمور.

        إنني أقرر أن المسئولية تقع علينا جمعياً ولكن هناك مسئولية خاصة من وزارة الأوقاف بأن تغلق أبواب هذه الأرضحة لأن الرسول (صلي الله علية وسلم) أوصي بألا نطلب ولا نسأل إلا من المولي عز وجل ومن هنا فيجب ألا نترك الفرصة لهؤلاء الجهال ولا نشجّعهم للقيام بأعمال تتنافي مع الدين.  فلست ضد زيارة القبور ولكن لابد أن توجد وقفة تجاه تلك الفوضي وإتخاذ هذه الأضرحة مكانا للزيارة والتبرك والتمسح بها. وحسنا ما قامت به السعودية بمنع المعتمرين والحجاج ممن يرغبون في التمسح بضريح المصطفي (صلي الله عليه وسلم)

ويمكن مواجهة هذه الظاهرة من خلال مسلكين

أولاً: الأسلوب العلمي من خلال  مخاطبة عقولهم، ودعوتهم إلى التفكير والتأمل، فإن الولوع في تقديس الأضرحة والغلو فيها لا يظهر إلا عند الذين ألغوا عقولهم، وعطلوا تفكيرهم، ومرضوا بحبّ التقليد ومحاكاة الناس دون حجة أو دليل.

ثانياً: الأسلوب الدعوي من خلال  دعوة المخاطبين إلى تدبر آيات القرآن الحكيم، وحثهم على التأمل والتفكر  فيتعين على أهل العلم كشف حجج هؤلاء وبيان مدي عدم صحة مزاعهم، وفساد فكرة الإعتماد على المنامات والأحلام، والحكايات المزعومة، مع تقرير المنهج الصحيح في الاستدلال كالاعتماد على الكتاب والسنة الصحيحة ونحو ذلك مما يساهم في مواجهة هذه الظاهرة.

أحمد عبد التواب شرف الدين.  مدينة نصر

Beautiful Painter-Abdullah Shariff

The lips you so softly kissed
You now kiss with fists
Verbally abuse me with belligerent lists
Misogynistic twists
The louder I scream the harder you hit
I am trying to silence my soul that is carved by your fist
This rage and passion I missed
That won my soul
That raging love that made us whole
Now grips my neck and never releases
It never ceases

We are like the moon and the sun
And every time we eclipse…you burn me to pieces
Broken, I wonder
When did your promises decide to play hide and seek
I am tired and weak
Silenced every time I desire to speak
I am drowning in your anger
Screaming back at the shore
My back hits the door
As you return back for more
Like Achilles strung on war
And I am Troy
That you so desperately deem to destroy

Blood for lipstick
A fashionable wreck
I wear the marks of your grip around my neck
As my back kisses the wall, the ground is next
I fall like the pink of our blossom trees
Eyes crying softened pleas
I fall like when we first met
I fall like the autumn leaves

My hands are shaking
My dreams are aching
At the infinity your punishment is taking
Rivers flow from my pain…
The same colour as su-icide
Your knuckles and my ribs do-collide
I throw my arms out trying to create a new-divide
Abused I cried, confused of why
But still consumed by pride
Pots, pans and promises
That you threw aside
Dragging me by the hair on my head
To tear your roses’ petals
And there I bled

A beautiful painter you are…
My canvas is black, blue and red

__________________________________________________________________________________

An enthused writer, Abdullah Shariff is a distinguished performing artist and one third of the popular world music group Fursan. The versatile writer has previously been shortlisted for Birmingham’s Poet Laureate post, Muslim Writer’s short story award and has been published by Young Writers. Amongst working with young people and children, he works with many charities and youth initiatives as a performer, workshop facilitator and keynote speaker. As an artist Abdullah regularly conducts arts workshops in schools and communities while continuing to travel, tour and perform across world.


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Nour is a organisation set up to act as a voice for those who are unable to stand up against domestic violence. We aim to serve as a platform for the victims of such violence through education and raising awareness, with a particular focus on the usage of Islamic literature to condemn such acts. Our mission is to be able to provide services such as a communication line which will require office space and a permanent staff member, a social worker, psychotherapists experienced in the Islamic field and legal aid, as well as direct advice from scholars regarding Islamic ruling. This will only be possible through our combined effort and your generous donations.

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